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JOYCE McMILLAN for The Scotsman 27.10.07
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IF YOU WANT A SNAPSHOT of the overwhelming importance of image and mood-music in contemporary politics, then look, if you wil, at yesterday’s YouGov poll of voting intentions across the UK. On one hand, it places David Cameron’s Conservatives at their highest point in the UK polls for 15 years, attracting a colossal 41% of the potential vote. Yet on the other hand, it sits against a background of stagnant support for the Conservative Party in Scotland, which remains firmly stuck around the low point to which it fell during the Thatcher years. And the reasons for this divergent response to the Cameron Tories, north and south of the Border, have little to do with any objective difference of interest between the key middle-class voters involved. Instead, they have to do with the fact that Cameron’s smooth, old-Etonian mood-music – which plays so enchantingly in the ears of the south – simply strikes a bum note in Scotland, where his demeanour seems too charming to be genuine, and his flaunting of educational privilege downright unattractive.
Which, of course, is another piece of electoral good news for the Scottish National Party, gathered in Aviemore this weekend for their first-ever annual conference as a party of government, and for a well-deserved celebration. But all the same, Alex Salmond might be wise, this weekend, to give some careful though to the mood-music business, five months on from his historic election victory. Salmond is known as a star of parliamentary debate, and a master of the devastating one-line put-down. He is also a dab hand, most of the time, at evoking a reassuringly strong sense of Scottish identity, while projecting a modern business-suit image that brooks no nostalgic nonsense; we are not likely to see Alex often sporting a kilt in public.
Yet just as Tony Blair’s political reflexes were shaped by his long ideological battle with the Labour left, so Salmond’s have been shaped by a lifetime of campaigning – not to say grandstanding – against Westminster government. Hence yesterday’s fighting speech at Aviemore, in which Salmond complained again about the level of Scotland’s budget settlement in the recent UK government spending review, drew attention once more to the soaring value of what’s left of Scotland’s oil, and defended his decision to write to all the signatories of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty to draw their attention to the Scottish government’s reservations about the planned renewal of Trident.
The likelihood is, though, that the wider voting constituency to which Salmond now has to appeal – in particular, disillusioned Labour voters, and moderate ex-Conservatives looking for a new alternative to Labour – will be far less easily delighted by Salmond’s usual performance, and far more selective about the issues on which they wish to see Westminster challenged. The mood music they generally – and rightly – seem to want to hear is of a new, forward-looking, and enterprise-friendly Scotland, which is not only confident of its own future, but has some genuinely inspiring and original ideas to contribute to the urgent global debate on energy, environment, and long-term sustainable development.
And those preferences have clear implications for Alex Salmond and his colleagues, as they make their choices about where to co-operate with Westminster, and where to stand and fight. My guess is, for instance, that complaints about the recent absolutely predictable UK financial settlement will cut little ice with this new potential SNP constituency, who instinctively dislike the idea of a begging-bowl Scotland dependent on ever-more-generous subventions. It has already, likewise, been argued with some force that the SNP should steer well clear of issues like abortion, which tend to reinforce the false stereotype of Scotland as a potential social backwater, still dominated by old-time religion. And I doubt whether anyone wants to hear the SNP tie itself in knots trying to imitate a New Labour populist agenda on public service delivery, whether on the NHS, or police numbers.
It is, on the other hand, good and right that the SNP should join with other parties in campaigning to kick racism out of Scottish football; it can’t be emphasised too often that the SNP’s nationalism is of the modern and inclusive kind. It would also, for example, be wise and statesmanlike of Alex Salmond to accept some small part of the political class’s collective responsibility for this year’s voting-paper debacle at the Holyrood elections, while rightly pointing out that the lion’s share of the blame lies with Douglas Alexander and the Scotland Office.
And when it comes to Trident – well, yes, the SNP is on strong ground in challenging the UK government’s hasty and under-debated decision to renew Britain’s controversial nuclear deterrent. But it’s one thing to use the agreed powers of the Scottish Parliament to debate Trident, and to raise key questions about its impact on the future wellbeing of Scotland, and something else again to write a letter to all the signatory nations of the Non-Proliferation Treaty: in the kind of mild breach of diplomatic protocol which, while trivial in itself, nonetheless leaves Salmond wide open to attack for making rash and ill-judged anti-Westminster alliances, as we have seen this week.
What Salmond needs to do, in other words, is to tune his ears ever more keenly to the mood-music of modern Scottish society; and to grow ever more skilful at distinguishing it from the rousing skirl of the pipes emitted by his party at its annual gathering. The old patriotic tunes are part of the modern Scottish sound-picture, no doubt. But in a post-modern state, their appeal is necessarily limited. And they are not of much interest to the majority who will want to see Scotland’s leadership opposing the British government where it deserves to be called to account; but who will have no truck with the old essentialist idea that the British state and its supporters are always treacherous and wrong, while the doughty Bravehearts of the SNP are always virtuous, and forever in the right.
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